Invisible Children’s Kony Sequel: New voices, same story

KONY 2012: Part II  - Beyond Famous, is Invisible Children’s sequel to the first viral video that took the media world by storm. Uploaded last week, the video opens with a montage of media voices, at turns commenting on and criticizing the video’s predecessor, KONY 2012.

After the montage, former Ugandan presidential candidate, Norbert Mao, proclaims:

“Let those who are professors write their books and create academic awareness. But this one grabs you by your gut, and shakes you, until you are forced to pay attention. That is the essence of awareness. People are now paying attention.”

But are they? And what are they paying attention to?

With a little over 1.6 million views, the sequel to KONY 2012 has far fewer views than the original, which is likely a result of the adverse reactions Invisible Children received for the original video, the organization and its leadership – particularly one the group’s founders, Jason Russell.

The sequel also lacks the immediate qualities that made the original so easily accessible. By presenting the complex issue through a child’s eyes, the world paid attention, despite the video’s dangerous foray into oversimplification.

That said, there are efforts to improve upon the original’s mistakes. Most notably, the sequel seems to address the criticism the original received for not being representative of countries currently affected by the Lord’s Resistance Army. Part II picks up on this and includes many voices from current LRA affected areas such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic and South Sudan.

As a response to the criticism of KONY2012’s tones of neocolonialism and depictions of the ‘white savior complex’, Part II is mindful of including activists and volunteers from different racial groups.

Invisible Children CEO Ben Keesey, the new voice of the movement, partially side-steps the original video’s sole emphasis on military intervention. He emphasizes the fact that both reconstruction and development have to be part of any solution in the areas affected by the LRA. Along with rehabilitation and reconstruction, the video includes civilian protection, peaceful surrender and arrest of LRA leadership as part of the comprehensive solution. How these ideals are to be achieved however, is still not fully explained, leading the public to believe that it will all be deceptively simple. A quote from the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court illustrates this:

“I am dealing with the state parties and the international community. There is no legal obstacle. Go and arrest Kony tomorrow. It’s perfect.” – Luis Moreno Ocampo, Chief Prosecutor of the ICC

In the interest of sustaining this implication of a simple solution, many aspects of the conflict are carefully avoided. The risk that military intervention might further aggravate more violence, the details behind the Ugandan government and military’s human rights violations, the backlash in Uganda caused by the original video, and further context into the LRA’s history in the currently affected countries are not mentioned at all.

Instead, the video’s focus is mostly on the organization’s worldwide advocacy event, aimed in engaging the social media savvy youth in April 20th’s “Cover the Night.”

On the 20th, many eyes will be turned to hundreds of thousand of posters of Joseph Kony’s face. The hope is that people continue to dig even deeper than sequels and continue to engage in advocating for an end to a conflict that continues to affect many lives. The hope is that the momentary world-wide attention on April 21st (and 22nd, and 23rd…) does not flutter away faster than the posters on the streets and the red chalk on the walls.

7 Days of Sober Thought after Kony 2012: Part 1

Over the next few days, ACAC will be posting a series of reflections on “Kony 2012.”  We realize there have been a multitude of responses to this viral video.  We thought we would take the time to summarize the main arguments made by others, elaborate on these with examples and further analysis, and provide a few unique observations of our own.

Stay tuned – later this week we’ll unveil a new series by ACAC’s own Tanja Bergen, with her Reports from the Field, based on her recent trip to Gulu, Uganda. Those of you who are interested in a more up-to-date, on-the-ground picture of the region should be sure to check in.

March 5, 2012 will now be known, for as long as our distracted social media-driven memories will allow, as the day Joseph Kony, Invisible Children and the child soldiers of the LRA were catapulted into popular consciousness.  For better or for worse, the “Kony 2012” video has become one of the most successful viral campaigns employed by an international NGO, maybe ever.  At the time that we write this, the 30-minute video has had 72,433,716 views online. 72 million.  By Wednesday, #stopkony was a worldwide trending topic on Twitter, while by the end of the week, “Uganda” remained a trending topic on Canadian Twitter feeds. Some have reported Invisible Children has raised $5 million in sales of their Kony 2012 Action Kit.

Almost as soon as the video went viral, so too did countless critiques of it and of Invisible Children’s approach, a sampling of which we compiled into a round-up you can see here.  Since the critiques continue to rapidly emerge in blogs, vlogs, editorials and the like, this is by no means an exhaustive list.  There are many.  Over the next few days we are going to expand on the critiques already penned by many authors online, as well as add a few points of our own.

Issue: Over Simplification

Critics have expressed a problem with:

-             the unequivocal dichotomy that is created between “good guys” and “bad guys;”

-             the implication that capturing Joseph Kony will bring peace to the region;

-             the explicit focus on short-term ‘solutions;’ and

-             the reduction of the complexity of the LRA’s power structure.

Sample critique: This post by HelloAfrica contributor Debbi N. Onuoha.

Our Response

One key figure that demonstrates the problematic nature of the good guy/bad guy dichotomy employed by Invisible Children is a man named Dominic Ongwen.  (Much of our information on this figure comes from the work of Erin Baines, who discusses the ambiguity of Ongwen and victim/killer labels in this article).  Ongwen, believed to be now in his 30s, is also an indicted war criminal, wanted by the International Criminal Court for his involvement in the LRA.  However, unlike other figures on the list, Ongwen is the first to be charged with the very war crimes of which he is also a victim.

Ongwen, born in Northern Uganda, was abducted by the LRA at the age of 10.  He quickly moved up to the highest ranks within the rebel group because of his ‘loyalty,’ or his willingness to carry out leaders’ orders and the efficiency with which he did so.  All of this is complicated by the fact that he was a child – just like the filmmaker’s friend Jacob – at the time, and yet, his ‘loyalty’ continued well into adulthood, now making him one of the world’s most wanted criminals.  Child soldiers aren’t children forever.

Ongwen’s reported compassion further complicates his role in the LRA and his label as a “killer.”  As Erin Baines describes, Ongwen is said to have occasionally shown mercy to families during village raids (i.e. by leaving at least one child behind with their family), and is said to have spared civilian villages from violence when they were caught in between his conflicts with other rebel groups.

Clearly, the case of Dominic Ongwen is not so clear-cut.  He is neither a good guy, nor a bad guy, and hardly fits into the simplistic model of child soldiers put forth in the Kony 2012 video.  The picture that Invisible Children captures – a world where big bad Joseph Konys exploit innocent little Jacobs – may be slightly out of focus.

What’s more, the Ongwen case illustrates the problem with assuming that capturing Kony will dismantle the LRA.  This is because Ongwen is one of two men (the other being Okot Odhiambo) who are in a position to take over leadership of the LRA in the event of Kony’s arrest.  This also illustrates the complex power structure of the rebel group (which extends far beyond Joseph Kony), and the flaws of such a short-term solution without a long-term sustainable plan for peace.

To this we add: The significance of stigma

One issue ACAC has yet to see emerge from the multitude of critiques of Kony 2012 is the issue of stigma and the politics of ‘reunification.’ In the video, there is a shot of (what we are likely meant to assume is) a former child soldier, being reunited happily with his parents.  This image misrepresents the incredibly complex relationship between family members and those who become, willingly or unwillingly, involved violent acts or armed groups in Uganda.  As stated earlier, child soldiers are not children forever – sometimes the reunification or reintegration process happens after children have aged into adulthood, complicated their relationship with their families.  Often times families treat former family members with direct hostility, having known the level of violence their children, sisters, or brothers may have committed on others or even on their own community.

The Kony 2012 video states outright that boys are recruited to be child soldiers, and girls, sex slaves.  While this may be true, these roles are not exclusive – Uganda girls have been documented as both child soldiers and sex slaves (or forced into ‘bush marriages’) and boys are not immune from sexual violence.  The stigmatization of female child soldiers is extreme, as is the stigmatization of rape victims, outright rejected by some communities who fear HIV infection or ‘bad luck.’

For a summary of a panel related to these issues, visit this page by the United States Institute for Peace.

Next post: Issues of misrepresentation and omission